7月23日
謝謝你，謝謝大家。謝謝州長的介紹，實在是過獎了。的確，你行進那個健身房，提起「蓬佩奧」的名字時，會有人悄悄耳語。我有個兄弟，邁克，真的是很棒，真的是很棒的籃球手。
再次為藍鷹儀仗兵和空軍伍長凱拉．海史密斯（ Kayla Highsmith）和她精采的國歌演唱鼓掌，怎麼樣？
也感謝勞瑞牧師（ Pastor Laurie）動人的禱告，我想感謝休．休伊特和尼克遜基金會邀請我在這個重要的美國機構發表講話。很高興有一位空軍的人為我唱歌，一位海軍陸戰隊的人為我做介紹，而且他們讓陸軍的人站到了海軍的人的房子前。這一切都很好。
很榮幸來到約巴林達（Yorba Linda）。尼克遜的父親在這裏建了這座房子，他在這裏出生長大。
感謝尼克遜中心董事會和工作人員使我和我的團隊今天的活動成為可能，在眼下這樣做絕非易事。
我們有幸看到在座的有些非常特殊的人，包括基斯，我得以結識他，基斯．尼克遜（Chris Nixon）。我還想感謝翠西．尼克遜（Tricia Nixon）和朱莉．尼克遜．艾森豪威爾（Julie Nixon Eisenhower）對這次訪問的支持。
我還想感謝幾名勇敢的中国異議人士，他們遠道而來參加我們今天的活動。
所有的其他貴賓，所有的其他貴賓，感謝你們來到這裏。那些能夠坐在帳篷下面的人，你們一定是多付錢了。
也感謝那些收看直播的人。
最後，就像州長提到的，我出生在聖安娜，離這裏不太遠。今天在座的有我姐姐和姐夫。謝謝你們來。我敢打賭你們從來也沒想到我會站在這裏。
我今天的講話是一系列有關中国的演說的第四部份，我請國家安全顧問羅伯特．奧布萊恩（ Robert O’Brien）、聯調局局長基斯杜化．雷（Christopher Wray）和司法部長巴爾（William Barr）與我一同發表這些演說。
我們有一個非常明確的目的、一個真正的使命。這就是解釋美中關係的不同層面、幾十年來累積起來的那種巨大的關係失衡以及中国共產黨的霸權意圖。
我們的目標是表明，特朗普總統中国政策旨在解決的針對美國的威脅是顯而易見的，而且我們為確保這些自由制定了戰略。
奧布萊恩大使講到了意識形態。聯調局局長雷談到了間諜問題。司法部長巴爾講到了經濟。我今天的目標是為美國人民把這些匯總在一起，詳細闡述中国的威脅對我們的經濟、我們的自由乃至世界各地自由民主的未來意味住甚麼。
明年將是基辛格博士秘密訪問中国半個世紀的一年，離2022年尼克遜總統訪華50週年也不太遠了。
大家知道，那時的世界大為不同。我們曾經想像，與中国接觸將會產生團結合作的光明未來。然而，因為中共未能履行對世界的承諾，今天我們都仍然戴住口罩，目睹大流行病死亡人數的上升。每天早晨，我們都在讀住打壓香港和新疆的新聞頭條，我們看到造成美國就業流失、沉重打擊美國各地、包括南加州這裏的經濟的中国不當貿易行為的驚人統計數字，我們目睹中国軍隊變得愈來愈強大並且愈來愈具威脅性。
從加利福尼亞這裏到我的故鄉堪薩斯州以至更遠的地方，美國人心靈和腦海中縈繞住這些問題，我也要重複它們：
與中国接觸50年後，美國人民現在有甚麼成果可以示人？
我們的領導人提出的中国朝住自由與民主演變的理論被證明是正確的嗎？
這是中国所定義的「雙贏」局面嗎？
而且，從一位國務卿的視角來看，核心的是，美國更加安全了嗎？我們自身以及我們後代的和平前景是不是更大了？
我們必須承認一個無情的事實。如果我們希望有一個自由的21世紀，而不是習近平所夢想的中国世紀，我們必須承認一個無情的事實並應以此作為我們未來幾年和幾十年的指導：與中国盲目接觸的舊模式根本做不成事。我們絕不能延續這個模式。我們決不能重回這個模式。
特朗普總統非常明確地表示，我們需要一個戰略，保護美國經濟，還有我們的生活方式。自由世界必須戰勝這個新暴政。
在我好像急於要破壞尼克遜總統的遺產之前，我希望明確表示，他做的是他當時相信對美國人民最為有利的事情，而且他可能是對的。
他是一位出色的中国研究者、強悍的冷戰勇士、而且是中国人民的仰慕者，我想我們大家都是。
必須要充份肯定的是，他認識到中国實在太重要了，不能被忽視，即使當時的中国因為自我施加的共產暴政而處在被削弱的狀態。
1967年，尼克遜在《外交事務》雜誌上發表的一篇非常著名的文章中解釋了他的未來戰略。這是他說的話。他說：「長遠來看，我們根本無法承受永遠讓中国留在國際大家庭之外…...除非中国改變，世界不會安全。因此，在我們對事件所能影響的範圍內，我們的目標應為引導改變。」
我認為這是整篇文章的關鍵詞：「引導改變」。
因此，尼克遜總統歷史性的北京之行，開啟了我們的接觸戰略。他崇高地尋求一個更為自由、更為安全的世界。他希望中国共產黨會對那個承諾做出回報。隨着時間的推移，美國決策者日益假定，隨着中国變得更為繁榮，它會開放，對內會變得更為自由，而且對外不那麼具有威脅性，更為友好。我敢肯定，一切似乎都顯得如此的勢在難免。
然而，勢在難免的時代結束了。我們一直在追尋的那種接觸政策沒有在中国境內帶來尼克遜總統所希望引導的那種改變。
事實是，我們的政策，還有其他自由國家的政策，重振了中国失敗的經濟，看到的卻是北京反咬餵食給她的國際之手。
我們向中国公民張開了雙臂，換來的卻是中共利用我們自由與開放的社會。中国派出宣傳手進入我們的記者會、我們的研究中心、我們的高中和大學，甚至進入我們家長教師協會的會議。
我們把我們在台灣的朋友邊緣化，台灣後來成長為一個生機勃勃的民主。
我們給予中国共產黨及其政權本身特殊的經濟待遇，看到的卻是中共堅持要求在其踐踏人權的問題上保持沉默，把這作為允許西方公司進入中国的代價。
就在前些天，奧布萊恩大使提出了幾個例子：萬豪、美國航空、達美和美聯航都從它們的公司網站上刪除了提到台灣的地方，以免觸怒北京。
離此不遠的荷里活，這個美國創意自由的中心和自封的社會公正的仲裁者，對哪怕是中国稍微不利的說法都實行自我審查。
企業界對中共的默默接受在全世界各地都在發生。
企業界的這種效忠效果如何？這種奉承得到了回報嗎？我來引用司法部長巴爾上星期的演說中的一句話，他說：「中国統治者的終極企圖不是與美國進行貿易。她是搶掠美國。」
中国竊取我們重視的知識產權和商業秘密，使美國各地損失了數以百萬計的就業崗位。
它從美國吸走了供應鏈，然後加上了奴工器具。
它使世界的關鍵水道對國際商貿不那麼安全了。
尼克遜總統曾說，他擔心，他把這個世界向中共開放，創造了一個「怪物科學怪人」（Frankenstein）。而這就是我們所處的局面。
誠信者可以辯論為甚麼這麼多年來自由國家會允許這些壞事發生。也許我們當初對中国的共產主義毒株過於天真，或者冷戰之後，我們相信自己必勝，或者我們是貪婪的資本家，或者被北京的「和平崛起」言論所蒙蔽。
無論甚麼原因，中国今天在國內愈來愈威權，而且愈來愈咄咄逼人地敵視世界其他地方的自由。
特朗普總統已經說了：夠了！
我不認為兩黨中有很多人對我今天所舉出的事實提出質疑。但是即使是現在，有些人還在堅持說，我們必須保留那種為了對話而對話的模式。
現在，要明確說明的是，我們會堅持對話。但是如今的交談不一樣了。幾個星期前，我去檀香山見了楊潔篪。
還是老一套，話說了很多，但真的是沒有提出要改變任何行為。楊的承諾，跟中共在他之前做出的很多承諾一樣，是空洞的。我猜測，他的預期是，我會屈從於他們的要求，因為坦率地說，太多以往的行政當局都這樣做了。我沒有。特朗普總統也不會。
奧布萊恩大使闡述得很好，我們必須記住，中共政權是馬克思-列寧主義政權。習近平總書記是一個破產的極權主義意識形態的真正信仰者。
他的意識形態決定了他數十年來對中国共產主義全球霸權的渴望。美國不能再忽視我們兩國之間政治和意識形態的根本不同了，就像中共從來也沒有忽視它們一樣。
我在眾議院情報委員會任職、隨後擔任中央情報局局長以及出任國務卿兩年多來的經歷讓我有了這樣的核心理解：
真正改變共產中国的唯一方式就是以中国領導人如何表現而不是說甚麼為基礎來採取行動。你可以看到美國的政策對這個結論做出回應。列根總統說，他本着「信任但要核實」跟蘇聯打交道。對中共，我的說法是：「我們必須不信任，而且要核實。」
我們這些世界上熱愛自由的國家，必須引導中国做出改變，就像尼克遜總統所要的那樣。我們必須以更具創造性而且更為強勢的方式引導中国做出改變，因為北京的所作所為威脅住我們的人民與我們的繁榮。
我們必須從改變我國人民與合作夥伴對中国共產黨的看法開始。我們必須說實話。我們不能像對待其他國家一樣，把這個中国的化身當作一個正常的國家。
我們知道，與中国進行貿易不像與一個正常、守法的國家進行貿易。北京把國際協議視為建議，作為獲得全球主導地位的渠道。
但是，通過堅持公平條款，就像我們的貿易代表在達成第一階段貿易協議時所做的那樣，我們可以逼使中国正視其盜竊知識產權和傷害美國工人的政策。
我們也知道，與中共支持的公司做生意與一家公司、比如一家加拿大公司做生意是不一樣的。他們不聽從於獨立的董事會，而且很多公司是國家贊助的，不需要追求利潤。
一個好的例子就是華為。我們已經不再假裝華為是一個無辜的電訊公司，她只是來確保你能和你的朋友交談。我們以她本來的面目來稱她--一個真正的國家安全威脅--而且我們採取了相應的行動。
我們也知道，如果我們的公司在中国投資，他們可能有意或無意地支持共產黨對人權的嚴重侵犯。
我們的財政部和商務部因此對中国領導人以及正在傷害和侵犯世界各地人民基本權利的實體進行制裁並將他們列入黑名單。好幾個政府部門合作制定了一個商業諮詢公告，以確保我們的首席執行官了解他們的供應鏈在中国境內的運作情況。
我們也知道，並不是所有的中国學生和僱員都是來這裏只是為了多掙一點錢或者多為自己積累一些知識的正常學生或工作人員，他們中有太多的人是來盜竊我們的知識產權並它們帶回自己的國家。
司法部和其他部門已經在大力尋求懲罰這些罪行。
現在我們知道，中国人民解放軍也不是一支正常的軍隊。它的目的是維護中国共產黨精英的絕對統治，拓展中華帝國，而不是保護中国人民。
因此，美國國防部加強了在東海、南海以及台灣海峽的自由航行行動。我們建立了太空軍來幫助阻遏中国侵略太空這個最後邊疆。
坦率地說，我們在國務院也建立了一套與中国打交道的政策，推動特朗普總統的公平對等的目標，改寫幾十年來不斷增加的失衡。
就在本星期，我們宣布關閉中国在侯斯頓的領事館，因為那裏是間諜活動和知識產權盜竊的中心。
兩個星期前，我們逆轉了八年來在有關南海國際法問題上的那種右臉被打轉過左臉的做法。
我們已經呼籲中国使其核能力符合我們這個時代的戰略現實。
國務院在各個層級而且在世界各地與我們的中国同行進行接觸，只是為了要求公平和對等。
但我們的做法不能只是一味強硬。這不大可能達到我們想要的結果。我們還必須與中国人民進行接觸，並賦予他們力量，他們是充滿活力、熱愛自由的人民，與中国共產黨完全不同。
這要從面對面的外交開始。無論去到哪裏，我都遇到了才華橫溢、勤奮努力的中国男性和女性。
我見過從新疆集中營逃出來的維吾爾人和哈薩克族人。我和香港的民主領袖們交談過，從陳日君樞機主教到黎智英。兩天前，我在倫敦與香港自由鬥士羅冠聰會面。上個月，我聽到了天安門廣場倖存者的故事。其中一位今天就在這裏。
王丹是一名關鍵的學生，他從未停止為中国人民的自由而鬥爭。王先生，請站起來，我們好認出你來。
今天和我們在一起的還有中国的民主運動之父魏京生。他因為倡導民主而在中国的勞改營裏度過了幾十年。魏先生，請站起來，好嗎？
我在冷戰時期長大並在陸軍服役。如果我學到了甚麼的話，那就是，共產黨人幾乎總是說謊。他們說的最大的一個謊言是，要認為他們是在為14億被監視、壓逼和恐嚇得不敢出真相的人民說話。
恰恰相反。中共對中国人民誠實意見的恐懼甚於任何敵人。除了失去對權力的掌控之外，他們沒有理由恐懼。
試想一下，假如我們能夠聽到武漢醫生們的聲音，假如他們被允許對一種新型的冠狀病毒的爆發發出警報，全世界，更不要提中国境內的人，會好得多。
在太長的時間裏，我們的領導人忽視或淡化勇敢的中国異見人士的言論，他們就我們面臨的這個政權的性質警告過我們。
我們不能再忽視它了。他們和任何人一樣清楚，我們永遠不可能回到現狀了。
但是，改變中国共產黨的行為不可能僅僅是中国人民的使命。自由國家有捍衛自由的工作要做。這絕不是輕而易舉的事情。
但我有信心我們能做到。我有信心，因為我們以前做過。我們知道事情會怎麼發展。
我有信心，因為中国共產黨正在重複蘇聯曾經犯過的一些錯誤--疏遠潛在的盟友，在國內外破壞信任，拒絕接受產權和具有可預見性的法治。
我有信心。我有信心是因為我看到其他國家的覺醒，他們知道我們不可能回到過去，就像我們在美國一樣。從布魯塞爾到悉尼到河內，我都聽到這個信息。
最重要的是，我有信心我們能夠捍衛自由，因為自由本身就是一種甜美的吸引力。
在中国共產黨加強對香港這座驕傲的城市的控制時，看看那些爭相要移民海外的香港人吧！他們揮舞的是美國國旗。
的確是有差異。與蘇聯不同的是，中国已經深深地融入了全球經濟。但北京對我們的依賴比我們對他們的依賴更大。
我拒絕這樣的看法，即我們生活在一個勢在難免的時代，某些「陷阱」是命中注定的，共產黨的主宰地位是未來。我們的做法並非注定要失敗，因為美國並沒有在衰落。正如我今年早些時候在慕尼黑所說的，自由世界仍在獲勝。我們只需要相信這一點，知道這一點，而且對此感到自豪。
世界各地的人們仍然希望來到開放的社會。他們來這裏學習。他們來這裏工作，他們來這裏為他們的家庭開創美好的生活。他們並不急於在中国定居。
現在是時候了。今天很高興來到這裏。時機很好。現在是自由國家採取行動的時候了。不是每個國家都會以同樣的方式應對中国的挑戰，他們也不應該如此。每個國家都必須自己悟出如何保護自己的主權、如何保護自己的經濟繁榮以及如何保護它的理念不被中共的觸角所染指。
但我呼籲每一個國家的每一位領導人開始做美國已經在做的事情，那就是堅持從中国共產黨那裏得到對等、透明和問責。他們是一小伙統治者，遠非鐵板一塊。
這些簡單但強有力的標準將會產生巨大的效果。我們讓中共來製定接觸條件的時間已經太久了。已經不再是這樣了。自由國家必須設定基調，我們必須在同樣的原則上運作。
我們必須劃定不會被中共的討價還價和甜言蜜語所沖洗掉的共同底綫。事實上，美國最近就是這麼做的…...我們一勞永逸地拒絕接受中国在南海海的非法聲索...…同時，我們敦促各國成為潔淨國家，這樣他們公民的私人訊息就不會落入中国共產黨的手中。我們通過設定標準來做到這一點。
的確，這是困難的。對於一些小國來說，這是困難的。他們害怕被一一幹掉。因為這個原因，一些國家此刻根本就沒有能力或是勇氣與我們站在一起。
的確，我們的一個北約盟國在香港問題上沒有以應有的方式挺身而出，因為他們害怕北京會限制他們進入中国市場。這種膽怯將導致歷史性的失敗。我們不能重蹈覆轍。
我們不能重複過去幾年的錯誤。面對中国的挑戰，需要歐洲、非洲、南美、特別是印度-太平洋地區的民主國家使出力氣，投入精力。
如果我們現在不行動，最終，中国共產黨將侵蝕我們的自由，顛覆我們各國社會辛辛苦苦建立起來的基於規則的秩序。如果我們現在屈膝，我們的子孫後代可能會受中国共產黨的擺佈，他們的行動是當今自由世界的首要挑戰。
中国的習總書記注定不會永遠在中国內外施行暴政，除非我們允許這種情況發生。
這不是關於遏制。不要相信這個。這是關於我們從未面對過的一個複雜的新挑戰：蘇聯當時與自由世界是隔絕的。共產中国已經在我們的境內了。
所以我們不能獨自面對這個挑戰。聯合國、北約、七國集團、20國集團，如果我們有明確的方向和巨大的勇氣，我們的經濟、外交和軍事力量的結合肯定足以應對這一挑戰。
也許是時候建立一個志同道合國家的新聯盟了，一個新的民主聯盟。
我們有工具。我知道我們能夠做到。現在我們需要的是意志。我要引用《聖經》裏的一句話來問：「我們的心靈固然願意，肉體卻軟弱了？」
如果自由世界不改變共產中国，共產中国肯定會改變我們。不能僅僅因為過去的做法舒服或方便就回到這些做法。
從中国共產黨手中確保我們的自由是我們這個時代的使命，而美國處於領導這個使命的最佳位置，因為我們的建國原則給了我們這個機會。
正如上星期我定睛站在費城獨立廳時所解釋的那樣，我們的國家建立在這樣的前提上，即人人擁有某些不可剝奪的權利。
保障這些權利是政府的職責。這一簡單而有力的事實已使美國成為包括中国在內的全世界人民所嚮往的自由燈塔。
理查德．尼克遜在1967年寫道：「 除非中国改變，世界不會安全。」他說的太對了。現在要靠我們來聽從他的話了。
今天，危險顯而易見。
今天，覺醒正在發生。
今天，自由世界必須做出回應。
我們永遠也不能回到過去。
願上帝保佑你們每一個人！
願上帝保佑中国人民！
願上帝保佑美利堅合眾國的人民！
謝謝大家！
=================================
Thank you. Thank you all. Thank you, Governor, for that very, very
generous introduction. It is true: When you walk in that gym and you say
the name “Pompeo,” there is a whisper. I had a brother, Mark, who was
really good – a really good basketball player.
And how about another round of applause for the Blue Eagles Honor
Guard and Senior Airman Kayla Highsmith, and her wonderful rendition of
the national anthem? (Applause.)
Thank you, too, to Pastor Laurie for that moving prayer, and I want
to thank Hugh Hewitt and the Nixon Foundation for your invitation to
speak at this important American institution. It was great to be sung to
by an Air Force person, introduced by a Marine, and they let the Army
guy in in front of the Navy guy’s house. (Laughter.) It’s all good.
It’s an honor to be here in Yorba Linda, where Nixon’s father built the house in which he was born and raised.
To all the Nixon Center board and staff who made today possible –
it’s difficult in these times – thanks for making this day possible for
me and for my team.
We are blessed to have some incredibly special people in the
audience, including Chris, who I’ve gotten to know – Chris Nixon. I also
want to thank Tricia Nixon and Julie Nixon Eisenhower for their support
of this visit as well.
I want to recognize several courageous Chinese dissidents who have joined us here today and made a long trip.
And to all the other distinguished guests – (applause) – to all the
other distinguished guests, thank you for being here. For those of you
who got under the tent, you must have paid extra.
And those of you watching live, thank you for tuning in.
And finally, as the governor mentioned, I was born here in Santa Ana,
not very far from here. I’ve got my sister and her husband in the
audience today. Thank you all for coming out. I bet you never thought
that I’d be standing up here.
My remarks today are the fourth set of remarks in a series of China
speeches that I asked National Security Advisor Robert O’Brien, FBI
Director Chris Wray, and the Attorney General Barr to deliver alongside
me.
We had a very clear purpose, a real mission. It was to explain the
different facets of America’s relationship with China, the massive
imbalances in that relationship that have built up over decades, and the
Chinese Communist Party’s designs for hegemony.
Our goal was to make clear that the threats to Americans that
President Trump’s China policy aims to address are clear and our
strategy for securing those freedoms established.
Ambassador O’Brien spoke about ideology. FBI Director Wray talked
about espionage. Attorney General Barr spoke about economics. And now my
goal today is to put it all together for the American people and detail
what the China threat means for our economy, for our liberty, and
indeed for the future of free democracies around the world.
Next year marks half a century since Dr. Kissinger’s secret mission
to China, and the 50th anniversary of President Nixon’s trip isn’t too
far away in 2022.
The world was much different then.
We imagined engagement with China would produce a future with bright promise of comity and cooperation.
But today – today we’re all still wearing masks and watching the
pandemic’s body count rise because the CCP failed in its promises to the
world. We’re reading every morning new headlines of repression in Hong
Kong and in Xinjiang.
We’re seeing staggering statistics of Chinese trade abuses that cost
American jobs and strike enormous blows to the economies all across
America, including here in southern California. And we’re watching a
Chinese military that grows stronger and stronger, and indeed more
menacing.
I’ll echo the questions ringing in the hearts and minds of Americans
from here in California to my home state of Kansas and beyond:
What do the American people have to show now 50 years on from engagement with China?
Did the theories of our leaders that proposed a Chinese evolution towards freedom and democracy prove to be true?
Is this China’s definition of a win-win situation?
And indeed, centrally, from the Secretary of State’s perspective, is
America safer? Do we have a greater likelihood of peace for ourselves
and peace for the generations which will follow us?
Look, we have to admit a hard truth. We must admit a hard truth that
should guide us in the years and decades to come, that if we want to
have a free 21st century, and not the Chinese century of which Xi
Jinping dreams, the old paradigm of blind engagement with China simply
won’t get it done. We must not continue it and we must not return to it.
As President Trump has made very clear, we need a strategy that
protects the American economy, and indeed our way of life. The free
world must triumph over this new tyranny.
Now, before I seem too eager to tear down President Nixon’s legacy, I
want to be clear that he did what he believed was best for the American
people at the time, and he may well have been right.
He was a brilliant student of China, a fierce cold warrior, and a
tremendous admirer of the Chinese people, just as I think we all are.
He deserves enormous credit for realizing that China was too
important to be ignored, even when the nation was weakened because of
its own self-inflicted communist brutality.
In 1967, in a very famous Foreign Affairs article, Nixon explained his future strategy. Here’s what he said:
He said, “Taking the long view, we simply cannot afford to leave
China forever outside of the family of nations…The world cannot be safe
until China changes. Thus, our aim – to the extent we can, we must
influence events. Our goal should be to induce change.”
And I think that’s the key phrase from the entire article: “to induce change.”
So, with that historic trip to Beijing, President Nixon kicked off
our engagement strategy. He nobly sought a freer and safer world, and he
hoped that the Chinese Communist Party would return that commitment.
As time went on, American policymakers increasingly presumed that as
China became more prosperous, it would open up, it would become freer at
home, and indeed present less of a threat abroad, it’d be friendlier.
It all seemed, I am sure, so inevitable.
But that age of inevitability is over. The kind of engagement we have
been pursuing has not brought the kind of change inside of China that
President Nixon had hoped to induce.
The truth is that our policies – and those of other free nations –
resurrected China’s failing economy, only to see Beijing bite the
international hands that were feeding it.
We opened our arms to Chinese citizens, only to see the Chinese
Communist Party exploit our free and open society. China sent
propagandists into our press conferences, our research centers, our
high-schools, our colleges, and even into our PTA meetings.
We marginalized our friends in Taiwan, which later blossomed into a vigorous democracy.
We gave the Chinese Communist Party and the regime itself special
economic treatment, only to see the CCP insist on silence over its human
rights abuses as the price of admission for Western companies entering
China.
Ambassador O’Brien ticked off a few examples just the other day:
Marriott, American Airlines, Delta, United all removed references to
Taiwan from their corporate websites, so as not to anger Beijing.
In Hollywood, not too far from here – the epicenter of American
creative freedom, and self-appointed arbiters of social justice –
self-censors even the most mildly unfavorable reference to China.
This corporate acquiescence to the CCP happens all over the world, too.
And how has this corporate fealty worked? Is its flattery rewarded?
I’ll give you a quote from the speech that General Barr gave, Attorney
General Barr. In a speech last week, he said that “The ultimate ambition
of China’s rulers isn’t to trade with the United States. It is to raid
the United States.”
China ripped off our prized intellectual property and trade secrets, causing millions of jobs[1] all across America.
It sucked supply chains away from America, and then added a widget made of slave labor.
It made the world’s key waterways less safe for international commerce.
President Nixon once said he feared he had created a “Frankenstein” by opening the world to the CCP, and here we are.
Now, people of good faith can debate why free nations allowed these
bad things to happen for all these years. Perhaps we were naive about
China’s virulent strain of communism, or triumphalist after our victory
in the Cold War, or cravenly capitalist, or hoodwinked by Beijing’s talk
of a “peaceful rise.”
Whatever the reason – whatever the reason, today China is
increasingly authoritarian at home, and more aggressive in its hostility
to freedom everywhere else.
And President Trump has said: enough.
I don’t think many people on either side of the aisle dispute the
facts that I have laid out today. But even now, some are insisting that
we preserve the model of dialogue for dialogue’s sake.
Now, to be clear, we’ll keep on talking. But the conversations are
different these days. I traveled to Honolulu now just a few weeks back
to meet with Yang Jiechi.
It was the same old story – plenty of words, but literally no offer to change any of the behaviors.
Yang’s promises, like so many the CCP made before him, were empty.
His expectations, I surmise, were that I’d cave to their demands,
because frankly this is what too many prior administrations have done. I
didn’t, and President Trump will not either.
As Ambassador O’Brien explained so well, we have to keep in mind that
the CCP regime is a Marxist-Leninist regime. General Secretary Xi
Jinping is a true believer in a bankrupt totalitarian ideology.
It’s this ideology, it’s this ideology that informs his decades-long
desire for global hegemony of Chinese communism. America can no longer
ignore the fundamental political and ideological differences between our
countries, just as the CCP has never ignored them.
My experience in the House Intelligence Committee, and then as
director of the Central Intelligence Agency, and my now two-plus years
as America’s Secretary of State have led me to this central
understanding:
That the only way – the only way to truly change communist China is
to act not on the basis of what Chinese leaders say, but how they
behave. And you can see American policy responding to this conclusion.
President Reagan said that he dealt with the Soviet Union on the basis
of “trust but verify.” When it comes to the CCP, I say we must distrust
and verify. (Applause.)
We, the freedom-loving nations of the world, must induce China to
change, just as President Nixon wanted. We must induce China to change
in more creative and assertive ways, because Beijing’s actions threaten
our people and our prosperity.
We must start by changing how our people and our partners perceive
the Chinese Communist Party. We have to tell the truth. We can’t treat
this incarnation of China as a normal country, just like any other.
We know that trading with China is not like trading with a normal,
law-abiding nation. Beijing threatens international agreements as –
treats international suggestions as – or agreements as suggestions, as
conduits for global dominance.
But by insisting on fair terms, as our trade representative did when
he secured our phase one trade deal, we can force China to reckon with
its intellectual property theft and policies that harmed American
workers.
We know too that doing business with a CCP-backed company is not the
same as doing business with, say, a Canadian company. They don’t answer
to independent boards, and many of them are state-sponsored and so have
no need to pursue profits.
A good example is Huawei. We stopped pretending Huawei is an innocent
telecommunications company that’s just showing up to make sure you can
talk to your friends. We’ve called it what it is – a true national
security threat – and we’ve taken action accordingly.
We know too that if our companies invest in China, they may wittingly
or unwittingly support the Communist Party’s gross human rights
violations.
Our Departments of Treasury and Commerce have thus sanctioned and
blacklisted Chinese leaders and entities that are harming and abusing
the most basic rights for people all across the world. Several agencies
have worked together on a business advisory to make certain our CEOs are
informed of how their supply chains are behaving inside of China.
We know too, we know too that not all Chinese students and employees
are just normal students and workers that are coming here to make a
little bit of money and to garner themselves some knowledge. Too many of
them come here to steal our intellectual property and to take this back
to their country.
The Department of Justice and other agencies have vigorously pursued punishment for these crimes.
We know that the People’s Liberation Army is not a normal army, too.
Its purpose is to uphold the absolute rule of the Chinese Communist
Party elites and expand a Chinese empire, not to protect the Chinese
people.
And so our Department of Defense has ramped up its efforts, freedom
of navigation operations out and throughout the East and South China
Seas, and in the Taiwan Strait as well. And we’ve created a Space Force
to help deter China from aggression on that final frontier.
And so too, frankly, we’ve built out a new set of policies at the
State Department dealing with China, pushing President Trump’s goals for
fairness and reciprocity, to rewrite the imbalances that have grown
over decades.
Just this week, we announced the closure of the Chinese consulate in
Houston because it was a hub of spying and intellectual property theft.
(Applause.)
We reversed, two weeks ago, eight years of cheek-turning with respect to international law in the South China Sea.
We’ve called on China to conform its nuclear capabilities to the strategic realities of our time.
And the State Department – at every level, all across the world – has
engaged with our Chinese counterparts simply to demand fairness and
reciprocity.
But our approach can’t just be about getting tough. That’s unlikely
to achieve the outcome that we desire. We must also engage and empower
the Chinese people – a dynamic, freedom-loving people who are completely
distinct from the Chinese Communist Party.
That begins with in-person diplomacy. (Applause.) I’ve met Chinese men and women of great talent and diligence wherever I go.
I’ve met with Uyghurs and ethnic Kazakhs who escaped Xinjiang’s
concentration camps. I’ve talked with Hong Kong’s democracy leaders,
from Cardinal Zen to Jimmy Lai. Two days ago in London, I met with Hong
Kong freedom fighter Nathan Law.
And last month in my office, I heard the stories of Tiananmen Square survivors. One of them is here today.
Wang Dan was a key student who has never stopped fighting for freedom
for the Chinese people. Mr. Wang, will you please stand so that we may
recognize you? (Applause.)
Also with us today is the father of the Chinese democracy movement,
Wei Jingsheng. He spent decades in Chinese labor camps for his advocacy.
Mr. Wei, will you please stand? (Applause.)
I grew up and served my time in the Army during the Cold War. And if
there is one thing I learned, communists almost always lie. The biggest
lie that they tell is to think that they speak for 1.4 billion people
who are surveilled, oppressed, and scared to speak out.
Quite the contrary. The CCP fears the Chinese people’s honest
opinions more than any foe, and save for losing their own grip on power,
they have reason – no reason to.
Just think how much better off the world would be – not to mention
the people inside of China – if we had been able to hear from the
doctors in Wuhan and they’d been allowed to raise the alarm about the
outbreak of a new and novel virus.
For too many decades, our leaders have ignored, downplayed the words
of brave Chinese dissidents who warned us about the nature of the regime
we’re facing.
And we can’t ignore it any longer. They know as well as anyone that we can never go back to the status quo.
But changing the CCP’s behavior cannot be the mission of the Chinese
people alone. Free nations have to work to defend freedom. It’s the
furthest thing from easy.
But I have faith we can do it. I have faith because we’ve done it before. We know how this goes.
I have faith because the CCP is repeating some of the same mistakes
that the Soviet Union made – alienating potential allies, breaking trust
at home and abroad, rejecting property rights and predictable rule of
law.
I have faith. I have faith because of the awakening I see among other
nations that know we can’t go back to the past in the same way that we
do here in America. I’ve heard this from Brussels, to Sydney, to Hanoi.
And most of all, I have faith we can defend freedom because of the sweet appeal of freedom itself.
Look at the Hong Kongers clamoring to emigrate abroad as the CCP tightens its grip on that proud city. They wave American flags.
It’s true, there are differences. Unlike the Soviet Union, China is
deeply integrated into the global economy. But Beijing is more dependent
on us than we are on them. (Applause.)
Look, I reject the notion that we’re living in an age of
inevitability, that some trap is pre-ordained, that CCP supremacy is the
future. Our approach isn’t destined to fail because America is in
decline. As I said in Munich earlier this year, the free world is still
winning. We just need to believe it and know it and be proud of it.
People from all over the world still want to come to open societies.
They come here to study, they come here to work, they come here to build
a life for their families. They’re not desperate to settle in China.
It’s time. It’s great to be here today. The timing is perfect. It’s
time for free nations to act. Not every nation will approach China in
the same way, nor should they. Every nation will have to come to its own
understanding of how to protect its own sovereignty, how to protect its
own economic prosperity, and how to protect its ideals from the
tentacles of the Chinese Communist Party.
But I call on every leader of every nation to start by doing what
America has done – to simply insist on reciprocity, to insist on
transparency and accountability from the Chinese Communist Party. It’s a
cadre of rulers that are far from homogeneous.
And these simple and powerful standards will achieve a great deal.
For too long we let the CCP set the terms of engagement, but no longer.
Free nations must set the tone. We must operate on the same principles.
We have to draw common lines in the sand that cannot be washed away
by the CCP’s bargains or their blandishments. Indeed, this is what the
United States did recently when we rejected China’s unlawful claims in
the South China Sea once and for all, as we have urged countries to
become Clean Countries so that their citizens’ private information
doesn’t end up in the hand of the Chinese Communist Party. We did it by
setting standards.
Now, it’s true, it’s difficult. It’s difficult for some small
countries. They fear being picked off. Some of them for that reason
simply don’t have the ability, the courage to stand with us for the
moment.
Indeed, we have a NATO ally of ours that hasn’t stood up in the way
that it needs to with respect to Hong Kong because they fear Beijing
will restrict access to China’s market. This is the kind of timidity
that will lead to historic failure, and we can’t repeat it.
We cannot repeat the mistakes of these past years. The challenge of
China demands exertion, energy from democracies – those in Europe, those
in Africa, those in South America, and especially those in the
Indo-Pacific region.
And if we don’t act now, ultimately the CCP will erode our freedoms
and subvert the rules-based order that our societies have worked so hard
to build. If we bend the knee now, our children’s children may be at
the mercy of the Chinese Communist Party, whose actions are the primary
challenge today in the free world.
General Secretary Xi is not destined to tyrannize inside and outside of China forever, unless we allow it.
Now, this isn’t about containment. Don’t buy that. It’s about a
complex new challenge that we’ve never faced before. The USSR was closed
off from the free world. Communist China is already within our borders.
So we can’t face this challenge alone. The United Nations, NATO, the
G7 countries, the G20, our combined economic, diplomatic, and military
power is surely enough to meet this challenge if we direct it clearly
and with great courage.
Maybe it’s time for a new grouping of like-minded nations, a new alliance of democracies.
We have the tools. I know we can do it. Now we need the will. To
quote scripture, I ask is “our spirit willing but our flesh weak?”
If the free world doesn’t change – doesn’t change, communist China
will surely change us. There can’t be a return to the past practices
because they’re comfortable or because they’re convenient.
Securing our freedoms from the Chinese Communist Party is the mission
of our time, and America is perfectly positioned to lead it because our
founding principles give us that opportunity.
As I explained in Philadelphia last week, standing, staring at
Independence Hall, our nation was founded on the premise that all human
beings possess certain rights that are unalienable.
And it’s our government’s job to secure those rights. It is a simple
and powerful truth. It’s made us a beacon of freedom for people all
around the world, including people inside of China.
Indeed, Richard Nixon was right when he wrote in 1967 that “the world
cannot be safe until China changes.” Now it’s up to us to heed his
words.
Today the danger is clear.
And today the awakening is happening.
Today the free world must respond.
We can never go back to the past.
May God bless each of you.
May God bless the Chinese people.
And may God bless the people of the United States of America.
Thank you all.
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